Tuesday, 4 September 2012

CAG COAL REPORT 2012 - A MOUNTAIN OUT OF NOTHING TAKING US FOR A ROYAL RIDE


CAG COAL REPORT 2012
A MOUNTAIN OUT OF NOTHING
TAKING US FOR A ROYAL RIDE

By Anirban Roy, Advocate


I. Introduction

Currently we are experiencing a huge uproar & outrage in India over a “scam” popularly known as “Coal Gate” which has been supposedly exposed by a Report filed by the Comptroller & Auditor General of India (CAG) titled Performance Audit on Allocation of Coal Blocks and Augmentation of Coal Production dated May 11, 2012 (Coal Report).

While I understand the compulsions, political and otherwise, of many to outrage, I am quite saddened to see the tendency of many to think from their heart and their lethargy to form independent informed opinion.

In my considered opinion, the CAG Coal Report, BY ITSELF & WITHOUT ANY FURTHER FACTS, is a “Mountain out of Nothing” which is being further misused to take us for a “Royal Ride”.

By the present write-up I endeavour to present certain facts and views to enable those who haven’t read the CAG Coal Report to form independent informed opinion. The write-up relies solely on the facts stated in the CAG Coal Report and doesn’t travel beyond it and analyses the Report on its own contents.


II. Relevant facts relating to Private Coal Mining in India

1.            Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1973 nationalised all Coal Mines in India and reserved Coal Mining for public sector only. Coal Mining began to be carried out by Coal India Limited (CIL) and its subsidiaries.

2.            Coal (Nationalisation) Act, 1973 allows allocation of Coal Mines to certain specified industries for mining, extraction and captive consumption of Coal. Captive Consumption means extraction and consumption of Coal for own consumption by these specified industries.

3.            The specified industries could either be in the public sector or in the private sector.

4.            No commercial Coal Mining is allowed in India i.e. pure extraction and sale is not allowed. Even in case of Captive Mining, any excess Coal extracted beyond the need of the Captive Miner is required to be sold to CIL at specified prices.

5.            Industries which are allowed Captive Mining are primarily Iron & Steel (from 1976), Power (from 1993) & Cement (from 1996) i.e. all from the infrastructure sector.

6.            Captive Coal Mining by specified industries is in keeping with the long term economic goals of the country. It is the responsibility of the State to feed these industries which are in the infrastructure sector with adequate Coal and in order to ensure that these industries are not solely dependant on CIL for a critical raw material, they are allowed to themselves mine their requirement. Thus Captive Coal Mining does not result in any loss to the Nation. In fact it adds to its economic development.

7.            Coal import is allowed freely in India under OGL. This is an alternate source of supply for those in the specified industries who do not wish to buy Coal from CIL or go for Captive Mining.

8.            Mines & Minerals (Development & Regulation) Act, 1957 (MMDR Act) specifies the royalty and dead rent payable by any mine allotee including Coal Mines. Royalty is payable on the quantum of Coal extracted and dead rent is payable on the area of the Coal Mine.

9.            Grant of Coal Mining Rights are accompanied by conditions to be complied with after the grant. These include milestones for Coal extraction & production. Allocations can be cancelled for non-compliance with these conditions.

10.       From time to time, Ministry of Coal, in consultation with CIL, identifies Coal Mines which are not part of the mining plan of CIL and earmarks them for allocation for Captive Mining. Thereafter applications are invited from the specified industries for grant of licenses for Captive Mining.

11.       In 1992, an Inter-Ministerial Screening Committee headed by Secretary Coal was formed for evaluation of applications for Captive Mining Licenses. Allocation of Coal Mines was done by Ministry of Coal on the recommendation of Screening Committee.

12.       Till 2004, there was no specific criteria for allocation of Coal Mines. All that was required was a recommendation from the State Government. The letter of recommendation had to merely state that the proposed allottee was setting up a permitted end-use project.

13.       Till June 2004, 39 Coal Mines had been allotted for Captive Mining. All of these allocations were made upon evaluation by the Screening Committee.

14.       On June 28, 2004, UPA I Government made public the concept of allocation of Captive Coal Mines through Competitive Bidding.

15.       In July 2004, Secretary Coal submitted a report which was of the view that Captive Mine allotees make “windfall gains”. It is not known atleast from the CAG Coal Report as to why it was so felt. It was however felt that Competitive Bidding process could tap only a part of this “windfall gains”. It was also felt that the present mechanism of evaluation by the Screening Committee doesn’t ensure transparency and objectivity.

16.      In September 2004, the PMO pointed out certain disadvantages of the Competitive Bidding Process. The view of the PMO was opposed by Secretary Coal who expressed desirability of taking decisions in respect of all pending applications on the basis of Competitive Bidding.

17.       In October 2004, the Ministry of Coal felt that changing the policy and introducing Competitive Bidding would delay the process of allocation. It also disagreed with the view that allocation by Screening Committee doesn’t ensure transparency & objectivity.

18.       By that time, several applications had already been received based on the current policy. It was felt that it would not be appropriate to change policy at that stage for existing applications and that new policy could be made prospective.

19.       Accordingly it was decided that the cut-off date would be taken as June 28 2004 and the process completed by March 2005. It was also decided that Competitive Bidding process would be introduced by the legislative process of a Bill and not by way of any Ordinance.

20.       From July 2004 to September 2006, 71 Coal Blocks were allocated for Captive Mining under the policy of evaluation by the Screening Committee.

21.      There was further delay in the introduction of Competitive Bidding process on account of opposition from the Power Utilities to participate in the Competitive Bidding process as well as from the State Governments where the proposed Coal Mines were located.

22.       In April 2006, in a meeting held at the PMO, it was felt that the MMDR Act should be amended to introduce Competitive Bidding uniformly for all minerals.

23.      Subsequently, Ministry of Coal felt that the issue of amendment to the MMDR Act should be re-visited as it involved withdrawing the current powers of the State Government which would have federal polity implications.

24.       In May 2006, the matter was referred to the Ministry of Law & Justice, Department of Legal Affairs for its views on the legal feasibility of the proposed amendment to MMDR Act.

25.      In July 2006, Department of Legal Affairs opined that it was open for the Government to introduce Competitive Bidding by amending existing administrative instructions.

26.       In view of conflicting opinions, a reference was once gain made to Department of Legal Affairs which, in August 2006, opined that suitable measures be taken for amendment of the MMDR Act for addressing the issue of Competitive Bidding.

27.       In the meantime, allocations of Coal Mines continued to be made as per the policy of evaluation by the Screening Committee.

28.       In October 2008, a Bill to amend MMDR Act was introduced in the Parliament. The same was referred to the Standing Committee which submitted its Report in February 2009.

29.       In August 2010, amendment to MMDR Act was passed by both Houses of Parliament. Section 11A was added to provide for Competitive Bidding process in the allocation of Coal Mines. (Sec 11A of MMDR Act however does not state as to how the Competitive Bidding process is to be effected).

30.       In February 2012, Auction by Competitive Bidding of Coal Mines Rules, 2012 were notified. (These Rules also do not state as to how the Competitive Bidding process is to be effected).

31.       Between 2006 and 2009, 38 Coal Mines have been allocated for Captive Mining.

32.       As on date of the CAG Coal Report, 142 Coal Mines were under Captive Mining. (The 3 figures of 39, 71 and 38 however add upto 148).

33.       It is pertinent to note that 67 of the Coal Mine Allotees out of the total of 142 ARE GOVERNMENT COMPANIES and 75 are private parties.

34.       As on date of the CAG Coal Report, the total Geological Reserve of coal in India was around 2.85 Lakh Million Tonnes. The total Geological Reserves of the Coal Mines held for Captive Mining was around 37 Thousand Million Tonnes.

35.       Several Captive Mine allotees had not commenced mining and extraction as on date of the CAG Coal Report for various reasons such as delay in environment clearance etc.. Several show cause notices have already been issued to the allotees in this regard.


III. How did the CAG come into the scene?

Following is a verbatim reproduction of the Audit Objectives in the CAG Coal Report :

“Gap between demand and domestic supply of coal is widening in the country and consequently imports are progressively increasing. On the other hand there are instances where capacities in power plants  are either lying idle or facing difficulties in augmentation in capacity for want of coal. In the backdrop of these concerns, Performance Audit on Allocation of Coal Blocks and Augmentation of Coal Production has been undertaken to obtain assurance that :

CIL augmented its production capacities as planned.

Procedures followed for allocation of coal blocks for captive mining ensured objectivity and transparency.

Coal blocks allocated for captive mining augmented production of coal as envisaged.”



Comment 1:

It is debatable whether the Constitutional and Statutory obligations of the CAG require him to undertake such a study. Such a study is certainly not unconstitutional but seems totally unwarranted as there are other institutions monitoring the parameters of Indian economy. Further if the Office of the CAG begins to compare demand and supply in respect of every item in the economy, the work of actual audit of Government accounts might have to be outsourced to some other agency.

Comment 2:

Till 2009-2010, production of Coal in India by CIL which supplies more than 80% of coal in India was more than 90% of the targets set internally and by the Planning Commission. So the situation was quite under control and was certainly no cause for alarm for the CAG.

Comment 3:

Even if the gap between demand and supply was widening, it is not understood as to how that warranted a study into the policies and guidelines followed in “Allocation of Coal Blocks” unless ultimately reaching there was the hidden objective. Bad allocation of Coal Mines does not per se lead to bad Coal Mining.

Comment 4:

Rising imports do not result directly from gap between demand and supply. Coal imports in India are freely allowed under OGL and is a valid sourcing option for the industry. The decision to import is determined by several factors including the quality of imported coal vis-à-vis quality of local coal.

The above four comments are intended to merely serve as food for further thoughts for the readers.


IV. CAG Findings

There is no controversy as regards the findings and analysis of the CAG on the aspect of Coal production in India vis-à-vis its demand. Hence this write up restricts itself to the findings of the CAG on the aspect of Coal allocation (which is the subject matter of outrage in the country).

1.     The CAG did a test check of the documents relating to three mines namely Fatehpur, Rampia & Dip side of Rampia. The CAG could not find any comparative evaluation in the relevant papers. Accordingly, on the basis of these 3 stray cases, the CAG concluded that the Screening Committee (in existence since 1993) “does not follow a transparent method of allocation”.

2.     The CAG was of the view that in the Xth Plan and thereafter, the number of applicants increased as compared to the availability of blocks. Accordingly, there was an urgent need to bring about a process of selection that was “not only objective but also demonstrably transparent”.  The CAG felt that allocation by Competitive Bidding was one such acceptable selection process.

3.     The CAG felt that although the Government decided to bring in transparency and objectivity in the allocation process with June 28, 2004 as the cut off date, the process kept getting delayed. Steps could have been taken to introduce Competitive Bidding in September 2004 itself so that next round of allotment after cut-off date could be taken through Competitive Bidding. (Refer Point II (16) )

4.     The CAG felt that Competitive Bidding process also could have been introduced in July 2006 through administrative instructions as per the opinion of the Department of Legal Affairs. (Refer Point II (25) ) Despite clear advice by Department of Legal Affairs, there was prolonged legal examination of the issue and the Government continued with old policy namely evaluation by the Screening Committee for its allocations between 2006 and 2009.

5.     The CAG felt that delay in implementation of Competitive Bidding process “rendered the existing process beneficial to a large number of private companies”. The CAG did not explain why this is so. However the CAG “attempted to estimate the financial impact of these benefits”.

For this purpose, the CAG firstly estimated the Extractable Reserve of 57 Captive Mines of the 75 private parties to whom Captive Mines were allocated. This was done by applying a certain percentage to their Geological Reserve. This figure possibly represents the quantum of Coal these 57 private parties could extract from their Captive Mines over its life (say about 30 years).

Thereafter the difference between the “average sales price of CIL” and the “average cost of production plus financing cost of CIL” per Tonne was calculated.

The above difference was applied to the Extractable Reserve to arrive at the “financial gain” to the private parties quantified at the now famous figure of “1.86 Lakh Crores”. 

While the CAG did not explain what the figure of 1.86 Lakh Crore actually meant, he stated that “PART OF THIS FINANCIAL GAIN COULD HAVE BEEN TAPPED BY THE GOVERNMENT BY TAKING TIMELY DECISION ON COMPETITIVE BIDDING”.

6.     The CAG observed that several parties to whom Captive Mines had been allocated had not commenced extraction as this contributed to the shortfall in supply.

7.     The CAG finally opined that “there is a need for strict regulatory and monitoring mechanism to ensure that benefit of cheaper coal is passed on to the consumers”.


V. What the CAG Coal Report does not say

1.     It does not get into any discussion whatsoever on the merits and demerits of the existing process vis-à-vis Competitive Bidding. It concludes that the process of evaluation by Screening Committee is bad based on his scrutiny of 3 stray cases (out of atleast 142 cases since 1993) and concludes that Competitive Bidding process is the best because it was announced by the UPA Government itself.

2.     It does not say how a Competitive Bidding process has to be effected.

3.     It does not say how a Competitive Bidding process would give more revenues to the Government given that the rates of royalty and dead rent are fixed by the MMDR Act. 

4.     It does not quantify the additional revenues that could have flown from the Competitive Bidding process.

5.     It quantifies the supposed “financial gains” to the private parties as 1.86 Lakh Crores but does not even whisper that the same is illegitimate or undue benefits.

6.    It does not say that the figure of 1.86 Lakh Crores is a “Loss to the Exchequer”.

7.    It does not say that the allocations made are bad in law or otherwise or that they require cancellation.

8.    It does not even whisper that there were any extraneous considerations for the allocation.


VI. Comments on 1.86 Lakh Crores

The figure of 1.86 Lakh Crores is “sensational” but “senseless”.

As stated earlier, even the CAG doesn’t consider it to be “Loss to the Exchequer”, notional or otherwise. It is the estimated “financial gain” to be made by the private parties over the life of the Captive Mines i.e. next 30 years.

Without even getting into the fallacies of the methodologies adopted by the CAG to compute this figure, the exercise itself was meaningless, futile and gross waste of time.

Allocation to private parties for Captive Mining is perfectly legal and is done to reduce the burden on CIL and for economic development of the country. An allottee would take a Captive Mine only if he perceives it to be more beneficial as compared to purchasing Coal from CIL or importing it. It is pure commerce. It would be naïve to even suggest that such a benefit is illegitimate. Why indulge in a meaningless exercise to estimate that?

The benefit that the allotees of Captive Mines would get can be computed, if at all, by comparing its own cost of production over the next 30 years with the price of CIL Coal for the next 30 years after considering the royalty and dead rent payable over the next 30 years. The CIL cost of production has no relevance. Further the comparison of the CIL cost of production with the CIL sales price is meaningless as Captive Mines CONSUME AND DO NOT SELL.

CAG has computed this senseless figure of 1.86 Lakh Crore to merely say that part of this amount could be tapped by the Government by Competitive Bidding. This is outright meaningless as revenue from Captive Mines solely depends on the royalties and dead rent specified in the MMDR Act. Competitive Bidding by itself would not have even added a Rupee.

VII. General Comments

1.            The procedure followed by Government in allocating the Captive Mines was as per law and policy and there was no illegality whatsoever in the allocation.

2.            Policy is the prerogative of the Executive and that certainly includes scrapping of old policy and introduction of new policy and the timings thereof. Even the Courts cannot interfere in policy matters unless the same is arbitrary on the touchstone of Article 14 of the Constitution. No such case is even whispered here.

3.            It is beyond comprehension as to how a Government can be faulted for delaying the implementation of a policy which it itself wanted to bring. The announcement of the concept of Competitive Bidding by the Government did not place any obligation on the Government, legal or otherwise, to implement the same or implement within a time frame.

4.            It is outright absurd to suggest that the opinion of the Coal Secretary in September 2004 or the Department of Legal Affairs in July 2006 had a binding effect on the Government.

5.            The revenues from the Captive Mines depends on the rates of royalty and dead rent specified in the MMDR Act which are recoverable from the allotees. There has been no “Loss to the Exchequer” by any stretch of imagination.

6.            If the Captive Mines have not commenced productions as per milestone conditions set at the time of allocation, the allocations can be cancelled after following due process of law and after giving them a hearing. There are several factors leading to delay in extraction. Captive Mines are not like ready made water wells from which water can be drawn from Day One. However cancellation of allocation for non-fulfillment of a condition of allocation cannot be equated with bad allocation and it does not make the allocation bad ab-initio.


VIII. Concluding comments on BJP

The BJP has been demanding the resignation of the Prime Minister and cancellation of the allocations of Captive Mines and has not allowed the Parliament to function since August 21, 2012. The legitimacy and the bonafides of their demands and actions can be judged from whatever has been stated above.

Be that as it may, I have two simple questions for BJP. Lets assume that it was not aware of how Captive Coal Mines are allocated since 1993 despite being a national level political party and despite being in Government from 1998 to 2004. However amendment to MMDR Act for bringing Competitive Bidding was introduced in 2008, referred to the Select Committee and passed in 2010. In these two years didn’t it occur to them even once to enquire about the procedures followed till date for Captive Mine allocation? Did it really wake up to reality after the CAG Coal Report or is it merely using the CAG Coal Report to take us for a ROYAL RIDE?  


Anirban Roy
                                                                             September 04, 2012


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Monday, 6 August 2012


ANNA FANS! DO NOT GRIEVE!


By Anirban Roy, Advocate


In October 2011, I had published a Book where I had argued that Anna’s Jan Lokpal Movement ought not to be entered in history textbooks as “the second freedom movement” and we ought not to have more of these movements. The Book was followed up by several blogs on the legal aspects of the proposed Lokpal Regime and the existing legal framework on corruption. The E-Version of the Book and the blogs would be soon available on the website of our NGO “Forum for Strengthening Institutions”.

Anna’s Jan Lokpal Movement came to an end on August 03, 2012 when Anna broke his fast at Jantar Mantar. (I do not see Kejriwal’s fast for SIT in respect of 15/14 ministers as a part of Jan Lokpal Movement). The formalities were completed on August 06, 2012 when Anna announced that he had disbanded “Team Anna” which was formed for passing of Jan Lokpal Bill.

Anna has now announced the starting of a political movement. Although a bitter critic of the Jan Lokpal Movement for reasons stated in the Book, I welcome the political movement of Anna. However I see a lot of Anna fans shedding tears and / or are quite critical of such a political movement. One banner at Jantar Mantar summed up the mood by saying “Dil Ke Tukre Tukre Karke Muskurake Chal Diye. Jaate Jaate Yeh To Bata Ja Hum Jiyenge Kiske Liye”……… This melancholy prompts me to share a few random thoughts with them which are as follows:

1.       The Jan Lokpal Movement was never a Campaign against Corruption. It was just a campaign for passing of a specifically drafted legislation.

2.       The Jan Lokpal Movement was always an effort to get the names of Team Kejriwal etched in the annals of history as the one who introduced Lokpal Regime in the country. Anna was just the facilitator.

3.       If the Jan Lokpal Movement got ordinary people together to roar in unison against corruption, it was just an accidental and unintended consequence thereof. However a “perceived” movement against corruption on an illusory basis cannot and ought not to survive in the long run.

4.       Politics (in a positive sense) means activities concerning governance of a country. In that sense the Jan Lokpal Movement was always political.

5.       “Civil Citizens” do not cease to be citizens once they start a political movement. Their stature and status do not diminish. (Ever cynical people can be ignored for some time).

6.       Aversion against some / most / all current politicians is fine but permanent aversion and disenchantment with the political system will take us nowhere. No nation exists without it and we cannot wish it away.

7.       Institutions like Parliament and Judiciary are bigger than the persons who comprise them. For individuals, institutions cannot be wished away and new ones created on the streets.

8.       Criticisms and agitations are welcome and required. At the same time, steps are required to strengthen institutions and systems. They are the only hope for future.

9.       There is no rational basis for the assumption that a political movement cannot achieve what a “Civil Citizen’s Group” wanted to / was expected to achieve.

10.     As a political movement, it is not necessary that they have to immediately join the election process. They can pursue meaningful agendas (even revolutionary concepts) and adopt means such as fasts and jail bharos to draw attention and propagate their ideas and create public awareness. (All fasts need not be “fasts unto death”).

11.     As a political movement, they can still pursue criminal cases against corrupt politicians and bureaucrats, albeit without feigning ignorance / wishing away the existence of the legal system. In fact they will be in a better position to do so as compared to single individuals.

12.     As a political movement, they can still work for strengthening and reforming the legal system which will go a long way in eradicating corruption. They can work for strengthening other institutions and systems as well.


Please be assured that Lokpal Regime, in whatever form, is definitely an improvement over the existing legal framework on corruption. But it is not a panacea for all evils and would not drastically change the existing set up.

Yes. As a political movement, they would not enjoy any special status as “Civil Society” and will not be able to encash upon the apathy and antipathy of the common man against politicians. But some day everyone needs to stand up on his own feet.

Anirban Roy
                                                                             August 06, 2012


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Friday, 10 February 2012

Part III / III UNDERSTANDING ORDER OF JUDGE O P SAINI ON APPLICATION OF DR SWAMY ON MR P CHIDAMBARAM


UNDERSTANDING ORDER OF JUDGE O P SAINI
ON APPLICATION OF DR SWAMY ON MR P CHIDAMBARAM


PART III : GIST OF THE ORDER

By Anirban Roy, Advocate


1.        In December 2010, Dr Swamy filed his Private Criminal Complaint charging Mr A Raja (AR) with offences under Sections 13 (1) (c ), (d) & (e) of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 which deal with an offence of “criminal misconduct”. The gist of the provisions of the above Sections are as follows:

a.    Under Section 13 (1) (c ), a Public Servant commits an offence of “criminal misconduct” when he dishonestly / fraudulently misappropriates a property entrusted to him for his own use.  

b.   Under Section 13 (1) (d), a Public Servant commits an offence of “criminal misconduct” when he obtains a valuable thing or pecuniary advantage for himself or any other person either by corrupt or illegal means / abusing his position as a Public Servant. Or he obtains a valuable thing or pecuniary advantage without any public interest for any person while holding office as a Public Servant.

c.    Under Section 13 (1) (e), a Public Servant commits an offence of “criminal misconduct” when he possesses pecuniary resources or property disproportionate to his known sources of income which he cannot account satisfactorily.

2.        Dr Swamy produced documents from his sources as well as official documents obtained under Right to Information Act to show how AR ignored the recommendations of the Prime Minister and others to auction the licenses and revise the entry fee upwards, how AR persisted with First Come First Served Basis, how AR persisted with 2001 prices, how AR rigged even the First Come First Served Basis, how licenses were awarded to two unqualified and undeserving real estate companies namely Swan Telecom and Unitech Wireless, how these two companies offloaded their controlling shares Etisalat and Telenor at seven to eight times the fee, how these two companies were otherwise benefited, how these two companies were connected to persons close to AR including his wife and so on. Based on these materials, Dr Swamy prayed that a process be issued against AR and he be prosecuted.

3.        In his Private Criminal Complaint as well as in his examination in support of his Complaint which took place in January 2011, Dr Swamy restricted his case to AR only. He had not made any allegation against Mr P Chidambaram (PC) or had not produced any materials against him.

4.        Subsequently Dr Swamy enlarged his case to cover PC as well.

5.        By way of further examination in December 2011 and January 2011, Dr Swamy alleged that AR could not have committed these offences alone and that the same were committed with the active connivance, collusion and consent of PC in respect of the following two things:

a.    Fixation of the price of the license

b.   Permitting Swan and Unitech to dilute their shares even before roll out of their services.

Dr Swamy produced several documents in support of the above two contentions.

6.        The allegations against PC pertained to conspiracy alone and that too in respect of the above two areas only.

7.        On the aspect of conspiracy, the Court cited several judgments on the issue and observed that in an allegation for conspiracy, one ought to see whether two persons were independently pursuing the same end or whether they came together intentionally in pursuit of an illegal object. The former is not criminal conspiracy while the latter is. Further in case of the latter it has to be seen whether there was a physical manifestation of agreement.

8.        In the facts of the present case, the Court accepted the documents produced by Dr Swamy at face value and the contentions of Dr Swamy that the prices were indeed fixed by AR and PC jointly and that PC allowed the two companies to offload their shares.

9.        The Court however held that there were no allegations or materials whatsoever that PC played any role in rigging the process or in allocating the licenses to ineligible companies or that he had received any bribe. In contrast, there were such allegations and incriminating materials against AR and others.

10.     The Court also held that the acts allegedly done by PC were not per se criminal although they might acquire criminal colour when done with criminal intent. However there were no materials to show that they were malafide or that PC was acting with corrupt or illegal motives or was abusing his official position.

11.     The Court also held that there was no evidence on record to suggest that there was any agreement between PC and AR to subvert the process and obtain any pecuniary advantage. Everyone participating in the decision making process with an accused cannot be roped in as an accused. Mere association is not enough and there has to be more than mere association. The role played, the circumstances in which decision was taken and the intention are relevant facts which have to be judged from the facts and circumstances of the case. In this case, the materials are lacking.

12.     In these circumstances it was held that there are no materials to show that PC was acting in a criminal conspiracy with AR while being party to two decisions regarding non-revision of pricing and dilution of equity. The Application of Dr Swamy to add PC as an accused to his Private Criminal Complaint was therefore dismissed.



Anirban Roy
February 10, 2012

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Thursday, 9 February 2012

Part II / III UNDERSTANDING ORDER OF JUDGE O P SAINI ON APPLICATION OF DR SWAMY ON MR P CHIDAMBARAM


UNDERSTANDING ORDER OF JUDGE O P SAINI
ON APPLICATION OF DR SWAMY ON MR P CHIDAMBARAM


PART II : CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS LEADING UPTO THE ORDER

By Anirban Roy, Advocate


1.            The Chronology of events leading upto the Order dated February 04, 2012 of Judge O P Saini on the Application made by Dr Swamy to add Mr P Chidambaram as an Accused in his Private Criminal Complaint can be set out as follows:


a.            In December 2010, the Supreme Court had directed setting up of a Special CBI Court at Patiala House, New Delhi under Judge O P Saini to try the CBI case in the telecom scam.

b.            In December 2010, Dr. Swamy filed a Private Criminal Complaint in the telecom scam against Mr A Raja. The same was subsequently moved to the Special CBI Court of Judge O P Saini set up by the Supreme Court. Thus the Private Criminal Complaint of Dr Swamy became a parallel criminal case in respect of the telecom scam.

c.             In January 2011, Dr Swamy examined himself in support of his Private Criminal Complaint.

d.            In May 2011, Dr Swamy informed the Special CBI Court that he wished to proceed in his Private Criminal Complaint independently of the CBI case and he wished to be appointed as the Public Prosecutor in his Complaint. Both of these were allowed.

e.            In August 2011, Dr. Swamy moved the Supreme Court for a CBI probe against Mr P Chidambaram for his role in the telecom scam.

f.              Soon thereafter, Dr Swamy made an Application before the Special CBI Court to add Mr P Chidambaram as an Accused in his Private Criminal Complaint and to examine himself once again in support of his Complaint. 

g.            In October 2011, the Supreme Court reserved orders on the Application of Dr Swamy for CBI Probe against Mr P Chidambaram.

h.           In December 2011, the Special CBI Court allowed Dr Swamy to re-examine himself in support of his Private Criminal Complaint.

i.              On December 17, 2011 and January 07, 2012, Dr Swamy re-examined himself in support of his Private Criminal Complaint.

j.              On February 02, 2012, the Supreme Court refuses to issue directions to the CBI for a probe against Mr P Chidambaram.

k.            On February 04, 2012, the Special CBI Court of Judge O P Saini rejected the Application of Dr Swamy to add Mr P Chidambaram as an Accused.

2.            The above chronology has been culled out from the Order dated February 04, 2012 of Judge O P Saini and media reports. There are some missing links but the essence can be ascertained. The entire record of proceedings of the Private Criminal Complaint is not readily available.

3.            Based on the chronology set out above, a few crucial points may be noted:

a.            This Private Criminal Complaint of Dr Swamy is a bit peculiar. It is one of the rare cases, if not the only one, where an entirely different dimension namely the case against Mr P Chidambaram was sought to be introduced by Dr Swamy after filing of the Complaint and after having examined himself in support of the Complaint.

b.            Before the Supreme Court, Dr Swamy sought investigation by the CBI against Mr P Chidambaram thereby implying that all evidences were not available with him. On the contrary, in his Private Criminal Complaint, Dr Swamy sought “issuance of process” against Mr P Chidambaram thereby implying that the Complaint was “fully baked”.

c.             Irrespective of what Dr Swamy had sought before the Supreme Court, as far as his Private Criminal Complaint is concerned, there was no scope for any further “investigation” against Mr Chidambaram. The case of Dr Swamy was for “issuance of process” and he had to stand or fall by the evidence he had produced, initially and subsequently.

d.            The Court on its own could have ordered an enquiry / investigation under Section 202 of CrPC but the nature, scope and purpose of such an enquiry / investigation is not even remotely similar to an investigation under Section 156(3) of CrPC.



Anirban Roy
February 09, 2012

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PART I / III UNDERSTANDING ORDER OF JUDGE O P SAINI ON APPLICATION OF DR SWAMY ON MR P CHIDAMBARAM


UNDERSTANDING ORDER OF JUDGE O P SAINI
ON APPLICATION OF DR SWAMY ON MR P CHIDAMBARAM


PART I : RELEVANT PROVISIONS OF CRIMINAL LAW SIMPLIFIED

By Anirban Roy, Advocate


1.            A person commits a criminal offence only when he does an act which is specifically defined as an offence under any statute. An offence has to be necessarily pre-defined under some statute. Indian Penal Code, 1860 (IPC) is the principal statute defining offences although there are several others like Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988, Negotiable Instruments Act, 1881 etc. An act which is not defined as an offence under any statute is not an offence, however outrageous it may be.

2.            The Criminal Machinery may be set in motion by any person either by filing a Police Complaint or by filing a Private Criminal Complaint before the Criminal Court.

3.            A Police Complaint is obviously filed before the Police who is obliged to lodge a First Information Report (FIR) and begin investigation.

4.            A Private Criminal Complaint is filed under Section 190 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 (CrPC) before a Criminal Court.  CrPC sets out the procedure that is to be followed in criminal cases.
5.            When faced with a Private Criminal Complaint, the Court has the following options:

a.            If the Court is of the view that the Private Criminal Complaint is merely an information of the offence and Police Investigation is necessary to establish the offence, it may order the Police to investigate under Section 156(3) of CrPC. Upon such an order, the Police is bound to lodge an FIR and investigate. It more or less becomes a Police Complaint thereafter.

b.            If the Court is of the view that no investigation is necessary and it is a case to proceed further, the Court is said to have taken cognizance. It then examines the Complainant under Section 200 of CrPC and issues process to the Accused under Section 204 of CrPC for requiring his attendance in Court.

c.             In some cases, after taking cognizance, the Court may postpone the issue of process and call for further enquiry / investigation under Section 202 of CrPC. An enquiry / investigation under Section 202 of CrPC is not the same as order for investigation under Section 156(3) of CrPC. The scope of this enquiry is extremely limited. It is merely to ascertain the truth or falsehood of the allegations made in the Complaint and to ascertain if process has to be issued against the Accused. It is not an investigation into the offence.

d.            In some cases, after taking cognizance and after examination of the Complainant and after considering the results of enquiry / investigation under Section 202 of CrPC, the Court may decide not to proceed further. In such cases the Court dismisses the Complaint under Section 203 of CrPC.

6.            The Accused comes to the Court for the first time after receipt of Summons / Warrant under Section 204 of CrPC.

7.            After the Accused comes to Court, the Court proceeds to frame charges. For framing charges, the Court restricts itself only to the materials brought on record by the Complaint.

8.            After framing of charges by the Court, the Accused is asked if he pleads guilty to the charges. If he pleads guilty, the Court may convict him. If he does not plead guilty, the trial in the matter commences.

9.            A basics of a criminal trial is as follows:

a.            The Complainant and his witnesses lead their evidence which is subjected to cross-examination by the Accused.

b.            After the Complainant leads his evidence, the Court records the statement of the Accused under Section 313 of CrPC on the case of the Complainant (if he wishes to do so).

c.             Thereafter the Accused and his witnesses lead their evidence (if he wishes to do so). If they do so, it is subjected to cross-examination by the Complainant.

d.            After recording of evidence, the matter is argued and the judgment pronounced by the Court.

10.       Criminal Law in India and worldwide and for hundreds of years is based on the following salutary principles

a.            A person is presumed to be innocent unless proved guilty.

b.            The guilt of a person is to be proved beyond reasonable doubt. There ought not to be even an iota of doubt as regards the innocence of the person.

c.             Even if 99 guilty persons get away with an offence, not even one innocent person should be falsely convicted.

11.       Translated into practice, the above principles imply that the entire burden is upon the Complainant to show that the Accused is guilty. It is not upon the Accused to show that he is not guilty. Unlike in Hindi Films and TV Serials, the Accused can never be confronted with questions like “How do you say you are not guilty?”. The Accused can never be asked to give evidence against himself. The Accused can choose to keep quiet. If the Complainant fails to prove his case, the Accused has to be acquitted (even if he actually guilty!!!!!!!!!).

12.       The above are time tested principles and ought not be perceived as deficiencies in the criminal legal system. In fact they are the strengths. They have been laid down to protect innocent persons from being persecuted.

13.       While conducting a criminal trial, the Court does not act like a fact finding body. The job of the Court is to appreciate the evidence that are placed before it, apply the law and give its findings on the charges framed. To understand this point, lets take the case of a murder trial. If murder is established but the accused is acquitted, the Court does not continue the proceedings on its own to identify the real murderer.

14.       The Court considers the case of the Complainant at three stages. At the first stage, i.e. while taking cognizance, the Court merely forms a prima facie view that an offence has been committed without getting into too much details. At the next stage, i.e. at the stage of  framing charges, a slightly higher level of satisfaction is required. At the stage of trial, the Court has to be convinced beyond reasonable doubt that an offence has been committed.

15.       When faced with a criminal case, the Accused has three options.

a.            Firstly, he may decide to face out the trial.

b.            Secondly, he may choose to have the criminal case quashed under Section 482 of CrPC by a High Court either at the investigation stage or even thereafter. For quashing, the Accused needs to show that even if the allegations of the Complainant and the evidence produced are taken at their face value, no offence can be said to be borne out or that the criminal case is patently malafide etc. For the purpose of quashing, the High Court looks only into the case of the Complainant to see its inherent fallacies. It does not look into the defense of the Accused. 

c.             Thirdly, he may chose to challenge the framing of charges in a revision petition before a higher court to contend that the materials on record did not warrant the framing of charges. Same principles as that of quashing apply.

16.       If the High Court does not quash a criminal case or if the higher court does not set aside the charges framed, it does not necessarily mean that the Accused cannot be acquitted at trial. This is because the defense of the Accused is not seen in such proceedings and only the case of the Complainant is seen.



Anirban Roy
February 09, 2012

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Saturday, 4 February 2012

POLITICIAN & ACTIVIST


POLITICIAN & ACTIVIST

By Anirban Roy, Advocate


A well known actress from Mumbai also known for her good work on social causes posed this question to me “What is the difference between a Politician and an Activist?”. Apparently she wanted to contest the Corporation Elections and was denied a ticket by a political party who asked her to make up her mind as to whether she desired to be a “Politician” or an “Activist”. She was baffled as she was of the view that there is no difference between the two terms.

A difficult question. But lets first try and understand this strange animal called “Politician”.

“Politician” – One of the most maligned words across the world and certainly in India as of date. These guys are treated with contempt as if they come from a different planet. Even a kid in India will tell you that all “Politicians” are “selfish”, “corrupt” and just “bad”.

Now, a very basic question. Who is a “Politician”?. I am not a political science student and my common sense answer to that would be that a “Politician” is one who is engaged in public affairs and governance. So “Politician” is not a bad word per se in my dictionary.

From the perspective of governance of a country and handling of its public affairs, we require different types and shades of “Politicians”.

Firstly, since all of us cannot take part in governance, we necessarily need “representatives” who can speak on our behalf at the forums i.e. Corporations, Assemblies & Parliament. Although suggested today by certain celebrities with abstract thoughts, we can neither do away with these forums nor with these representatives.

Secondly, when we are talking of a country as big as India, we obviously cannot have a bunch of individual “representatives” running the country. Now come on, members of a housing society cannot unanimously agree on any issue and we are talking about India. So we require organized groups with firmed up views on various issues (irrespective of the individual views of individual members) so that there is greater control. The slang term for such an organized group is “political parties”.

Thirdly, to hold together “political parties” and make them grow we require “strategists”. Something akin to what Kautilya did for Chandragupta.

Fourthly, we require “leaders” who can hold together people and shape up public opinions and give directions to them.

Fifthly, we require “statesmen” who can think at a macro level and develop a vision for the entire nation. We may or may not agree with their visions but we do require such visionaries. Gandhiji and Netaji were certainly “Politicians” even if we hesitate to term them as such.

All the above five, if not more, are the different shades of “Politicians”. A “representative” is not necessarily a “leader” who is not necessarily a “strategist” and who is not necessarily a “statesman”. But all shades of “Politicians” are necessary for governance and conduct of public affairs of a country.

Lets now see a few aspects peculiar to “Politicians”.

Whether one accepts or not, a “Politician” of any category has to carry a load along with him. People, his partymen and in the modern Indian context, “Coalition Partners”. And therefore he has to balance. Quite like a husband who balances between his wife and his mother. There are so many things which he does which his wife knows but his mother does not or his mother knows but his wife does not or both do not know. All for the welfare of the family. Manipulation begins at home !!! Just imagine what kind of balancing one has to do when the numbers grow manifold for a “Politician”. All for the welfare of the society. So by compulsion a “Politician” becomes a manipulator.

To govern the country a “political party” needs to be in control and for that it has to continuously aspire to come to power and for that it has to make itself known to the people. This cannot be achieved by merely holding close door meetings. A “political party” needs to make noise. We can afford to toss the coin on the carpet but a “political party” needs to toss the coin on the floor. Same applies to an individual “Politician”.

To get power, mere good intentions and good work would not be sufficient for any “political party”. It needs to strategise and make deals to move forward and all of which cannot be made public. So a “political party” at times needs to act differently from what it can talk about openly and from what its actual views are. So compromises and double speak emerge. Same applies to an individual “Politicians”.

We certainly cannot expect “Politicians” to pump in funds for their activities from their homes. They have to necessarily accept monies from people who are overflowing with it. And can we expect these donors not to impose their terms? “Politicians” and “political parties” need to return favours.


The above are not exhaustive of the essential features of a “Politician” but merely illustrative. However they give us an indication that “Politics” is not an easy game. However, per se, these features are not negative.

How then do we get “bad” and “corrupt” “Politicians”? When a “Politician” fails to use his discretion and overdoes the above and does so not for the ultimate benefit of the society but for his own self enrichment, he becomes “bad” and “corrupt”. Further when he ultimately gets power and he abuses that power for his own self enrichment, he becomes “bad” and “corrupt”.

Unfortunately for us we seem to be having too many of these “bad” and “corrupt” “Politicians”. The solution lies not in wishing these “Politicians” away and not in alienating them from society. And certainly not by staying away from “Politics”. We cannot afford a disenchantment from public life or else the world for our children would be worse than what we have.

The other problem that we face is that we do not have dearth of “representatives”, “strategists” and “political parties”. What we do not have are “leaders” and “statesmen”. By their essential nature, “leaders” and “statesmen” can never be “bad” and “corrupt”. We need to fill this gap of “leaders” and “statesmen” and for this, good people should come forward.

Now coming back to the question we started with. “Politician” V/s “Activist”.

An “Activist” is a person who passionately works for a cause. Be it for the destitute women or mal-nutritious children or trees or stray dogs whatever or just helping people with their problems. An “Activist” needs commitment, sincerity, competence, capacity etc at a personal level and financial backing wherever needed. The focus is on one issue that is taken up and rigorously followed. An “Activist” does not face the multi-faceted challenges that a “Politician” faces although he / she may have others. An “Activist” does not need to be manipulative, or make noise or compromise or return favours. The “Activist” can chart his / her own course and does not need to conform to views, decisions, plans and policies of the “political party” to which he / she belongs. An “Activist” is free and carefree.

If an “Activist” desires to enter public life and take part in governance he / she certainly can certainly become a “Politician” as well and there certainly can be no bar. But if an “Activist” desires to work under the banner of a “political party”, he / she has to give up a chunk of the freedom. The alternative to that would be “Ekla Chalo Re” as suggested by Rabindranath Tagore to Gandhiji. Be an Independent and chart your own course and set new rules.


Anirban Roy
February 04, 2012


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