Thursday 13 September 2012

PURE FACTS OF ASEEM TRIVEDI CASE


PURE FACTS OF ASEEM TRIVEDI CASE

 

By Anirban Roy, Advocate

 

 

The Aseem Trivedi case has taken the entire country by storm. For various reasons, media reporting of legal cases in India leave a lot to be desired and arouse more doubts than the questions they answer. Be that as it may, here is a small effort to place the facts of the Aseem Trivedi case in proper perspective:

 

1.   Aseem had displayed certain cartoons at the Anna Hazare Fast at MMRDA Grounds, Bandra in December 2011.

 

2.   Someone found the cartoons of Aseem offensive and hence filed a complaint against him at BKC Police Station, Bandra. The Police however did not lodge any FIR.

 

3.   Aggrieved by the non-lodging of FIR against Aseem by the Police, the Complainant approached the Bombay High Court by way of a writ petition.

 

4.   During pendency of the above writ petition, the Police ON THEIR OWN lodged an FIR against Aseem. There were no Court orders.

 

5.   Case against Aseem therefore became a pure Police Case. It is not a Private Complaint as understood in law.

 

6.   FIR against Aseem was lodged somewhere around January 2012. The Case Number is CR No. 14 of 2012. He was charged with Section 124A of Indian Penal Code, Section 2 of Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act and certain sections of the Information Technology Act.

 

7.   Section 2 of PINH Act makes spoken or written words showing disrespect or bringing into contempt the Constitution of India at a public place a punishable offence. Section 124A of IPC makes acts bringing into hatred or contempt the Government of India a punishable offence (criticism of Government actions are not covered).

 

8.   The Police have all the powers under law to lodge FIRs in respect of the above offences. In fact it is their duty. Section 124A of IPC is a cognizable offence and Police have the powers to arrest without warrant.

 

9.   The Police case against Aseem was in respect of several cartoons displayed by him. The first one which was considered to be the most offensive was one where a Kasab faced dog was shown urinating on the Constitution of India with a National Emblem. There is no doubt that this was an offence under PINH Act.

 

10.        A word on charges. At the inception, based on information of the offence, the Police apply certain sections in the FIR. After investigation, the Police file Charge-Sheet where they apply the final sections. Actual framing of charges is done by the Court after hearing the accused. The charges framed by the Court can be challenged in higher courts upto the Supreme Court. Finally trial begins and it is the burden of the prosecution to prove the charges beyond reasonable doubt upon which a person is convicted.

 

11.        It appears that in the Aseem case, the Police took precautions. Opinion was sought from the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate before proceeding further (subject to reconfirmation).

 

12.        Although in cases of cognizable offences, the Police can arrest on their own without a warrant, the Police took further precautions and got a warrant issued by the Court.

 

13.        Armed with a warrant, the police went to UP to search for Aseem. They met his parents but could not trace him. They left a message with his parents about the case filed before BKC Police Station and returned.

 

14.        Aseem surrendered at the BKC Police Station on Saturday September 08, 2012. This was surprising as every accused avoids arrests on a Saturday, the next day being a holiday. There being a pending warrant, the Police had no other option but to take him into custody.

 

15.        As per law, an arrested person has to be produced before a Magistrate within 24 hours of arrest. Sunday being a holiday, Aseem was produced before a Holiday Magistrate.

 

16.        Production before a Holiday Magistrate is a mere formality. The Holiday Magistrate merely ensures that the arrested person has not been ill-treated by the Police and is medically fine and normally passes over the matter to the Regular Magistrate with a short date. The arrested person is normally left in Police Custody.

 

17.        Strangely, Aseem did not apply for bail before the Holiday Magistrate. The Holiday Magistrate went by the Remand Application and continued Police Custody. It is a bit surprising as there was nothing to be investigated in the matter and hence Aseem should have been transferred to Judicial Custody. However the contents of the Remand Application are not known and one doesn’t know the case made out by the Police for Police Custody.

 

18.        In any offence, the Police is required to investigate and for this they may require arrest and custody of the accused. However this is subject to the approval of the Courts and for this purpose, the Police makes Remand Applications. If the Police is able to convince the Court, the arrested person is given Police Custody.

 

19.        After immediate investigation by Police is over, the Court transfers the custody of the arrested person from Police to Jail. POLICE AND JAIL ARE NOT SAME. I repeat Police and Jail are not same. The services are different. Jail custody is also known as Judicial Custody.

 

20.        When an arrested person is transferred to Judicial Custody, Police lose control over and access to him. If they require to speak to him, they need to go to Jail and follow procedures.

 

21.        Once a person is transferred to Judicial Custody, it is deemed that custodial investigation is over and he becomes entitled for bail as a right. It is routinely granted unless it is a heinous crime, there are likelihood of the accused absconding or tampering evidences or intimidating witnesses etc.

 

22.        In case of Aseem, on the very next date of his production before the Holiday Magistrate, i.e. on Monday September 10, 2012, the Police made an application before the Regular Magistrate that they no longer require Police Custody (a bit strange). The Magistrate therefore transferred him to Judicial Custody. As explained above, it was just a process.

 

23.         Upon transfer to Judicial Custody, Aseem became entitled to bail. However Aseem CHOSE NOT TO APPLY FOR BAIL. Since there was no application for bail, he couldn’t be granted one. The Magistrate had no other option but to continue his Judicial Custody and send him to Arthur Road Jail.

 

24.        Aseem would have continued in Judicial custody till the conclusion of the case. A criminal case doesn’t end with investigations but merely begins.

 

25.        On Tuesday, September 11, 2012, a kind hearted soul named Sanskar Marathe filed a PIL in the matter before the Bombay High Court. The contents of the PIL are not known. PIL of Sanskar Marathe is numbered as CR PIL Stamp No. 21 of 2012.

 

26.        On the same day i.e. Tuesday, September 11, 2012, the Hon’ble Chief Justice of Bombay High Court Shri Mohit Shah, by an order in the said PIL, directed that Aseem be released on bail. Thus Aseem who was not seeking bail on his own was granted bail upon application by another.

 

27.        Granting bail in a PIL is a very unusual order. Very unusual. However it doesn’t seem per se illegal as High Courts have tremendous powers under Article 226 and 227 of the Constitution read with Section 482 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. The powers of the High Court are actually wider than those of the Supreme Court.

 

28.        Chief Justice Shri Mohit Shah is one of the most practical and compassionate judges one can come across. An unusual order from him is not very surprising.

 

29.        Pursuant to the above bail order, Aseem was released from Arthur Road Jail on Wednesday, September 12, 2012. The case against him is not over and he has not been acquitted. The case will continue.

 

30.        In my opinion there has been nothing illegal in the acts of the Bombay Police, the Government or the Judiciary in the case so far. Unless of course Aseem Trivedi seeks special status as a “Cartoon”.

 

 

 

 

                                                                             Anirban Roy

                                                                             September 13, 2012

 

 


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Tuesday 4 September 2012

CAG COAL REPORT 2012 - A MOUNTAIN OUT OF NOTHING TAKING US FOR A ROYAL RIDE


CAG COAL REPORT 2012
A MOUNTAIN OUT OF NOTHING
TAKING US FOR A ROYAL RIDE

By Anirban Roy, Advocate


I. Introduction

Currently we are experiencing a huge uproar & outrage in India over a “scam” popularly known as “Coal Gate” which has been supposedly exposed by a Report filed by the Comptroller & Auditor General of India (CAG) titled Performance Audit on Allocation of Coal Blocks and Augmentation of Coal Production dated May 11, 2012 (Coal Report).

While I understand the compulsions, political and otherwise, of many to outrage, I am quite saddened to see the tendency of many to think from their heart and their lethargy to form independent informed opinion.

In my considered opinion, the CAG Coal Report, BY ITSELF & WITHOUT ANY FURTHER FACTS, is a “Mountain out of Nothing” which is being further misused to take us for a “Royal Ride”.

By the present write-up I endeavour to present certain facts and views to enable those who haven’t read the CAG Coal Report to form independent informed opinion. The write-up relies solely on the facts stated in the CAG Coal Report and doesn’t travel beyond it and analyses the Report on its own contents.


II. Relevant facts relating to Private Coal Mining in India

1.            Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1973 nationalised all Coal Mines in India and reserved Coal Mining for public sector only. Coal Mining began to be carried out by Coal India Limited (CIL) and its subsidiaries.

2.            Coal (Nationalisation) Act, 1973 allows allocation of Coal Mines to certain specified industries for mining, extraction and captive consumption of Coal. Captive Consumption means extraction and consumption of Coal for own consumption by these specified industries.

3.            The specified industries could either be in the public sector or in the private sector.

4.            No commercial Coal Mining is allowed in India i.e. pure extraction and sale is not allowed. Even in case of Captive Mining, any excess Coal extracted beyond the need of the Captive Miner is required to be sold to CIL at specified prices.

5.            Industries which are allowed Captive Mining are primarily Iron & Steel (from 1976), Power (from 1993) & Cement (from 1996) i.e. all from the infrastructure sector.

6.            Captive Coal Mining by specified industries is in keeping with the long term economic goals of the country. It is the responsibility of the State to feed these industries which are in the infrastructure sector with adequate Coal and in order to ensure that these industries are not solely dependant on CIL for a critical raw material, they are allowed to themselves mine their requirement. Thus Captive Coal Mining does not result in any loss to the Nation. In fact it adds to its economic development.

7.            Coal import is allowed freely in India under OGL. This is an alternate source of supply for those in the specified industries who do not wish to buy Coal from CIL or go for Captive Mining.

8.            Mines & Minerals (Development & Regulation) Act, 1957 (MMDR Act) specifies the royalty and dead rent payable by any mine allotee including Coal Mines. Royalty is payable on the quantum of Coal extracted and dead rent is payable on the area of the Coal Mine.

9.            Grant of Coal Mining Rights are accompanied by conditions to be complied with after the grant. These include milestones for Coal extraction & production. Allocations can be cancelled for non-compliance with these conditions.

10.       From time to time, Ministry of Coal, in consultation with CIL, identifies Coal Mines which are not part of the mining plan of CIL and earmarks them for allocation for Captive Mining. Thereafter applications are invited from the specified industries for grant of licenses for Captive Mining.

11.       In 1992, an Inter-Ministerial Screening Committee headed by Secretary Coal was formed for evaluation of applications for Captive Mining Licenses. Allocation of Coal Mines was done by Ministry of Coal on the recommendation of Screening Committee.

12.       Till 2004, there was no specific criteria for allocation of Coal Mines. All that was required was a recommendation from the State Government. The letter of recommendation had to merely state that the proposed allottee was setting up a permitted end-use project.

13.       Till June 2004, 39 Coal Mines had been allotted for Captive Mining. All of these allocations were made upon evaluation by the Screening Committee.

14.       On June 28, 2004, UPA I Government made public the concept of allocation of Captive Coal Mines through Competitive Bidding.

15.       In July 2004, Secretary Coal submitted a report which was of the view that Captive Mine allotees make “windfall gains”. It is not known atleast from the CAG Coal Report as to why it was so felt. It was however felt that Competitive Bidding process could tap only a part of this “windfall gains”. It was also felt that the present mechanism of evaluation by the Screening Committee doesn’t ensure transparency and objectivity.

16.      In September 2004, the PMO pointed out certain disadvantages of the Competitive Bidding Process. The view of the PMO was opposed by Secretary Coal who expressed desirability of taking decisions in respect of all pending applications on the basis of Competitive Bidding.

17.       In October 2004, the Ministry of Coal felt that changing the policy and introducing Competitive Bidding would delay the process of allocation. It also disagreed with the view that allocation by Screening Committee doesn’t ensure transparency & objectivity.

18.       By that time, several applications had already been received based on the current policy. It was felt that it would not be appropriate to change policy at that stage for existing applications and that new policy could be made prospective.

19.       Accordingly it was decided that the cut-off date would be taken as June 28 2004 and the process completed by March 2005. It was also decided that Competitive Bidding process would be introduced by the legislative process of a Bill and not by way of any Ordinance.

20.       From July 2004 to September 2006, 71 Coal Blocks were allocated for Captive Mining under the policy of evaluation by the Screening Committee.

21.      There was further delay in the introduction of Competitive Bidding process on account of opposition from the Power Utilities to participate in the Competitive Bidding process as well as from the State Governments where the proposed Coal Mines were located.

22.       In April 2006, in a meeting held at the PMO, it was felt that the MMDR Act should be amended to introduce Competitive Bidding uniformly for all minerals.

23.      Subsequently, Ministry of Coal felt that the issue of amendment to the MMDR Act should be re-visited as it involved withdrawing the current powers of the State Government which would have federal polity implications.

24.       In May 2006, the matter was referred to the Ministry of Law & Justice, Department of Legal Affairs for its views on the legal feasibility of the proposed amendment to MMDR Act.

25.      In July 2006, Department of Legal Affairs opined that it was open for the Government to introduce Competitive Bidding by amending existing administrative instructions.

26.       In view of conflicting opinions, a reference was once gain made to Department of Legal Affairs which, in August 2006, opined that suitable measures be taken for amendment of the MMDR Act for addressing the issue of Competitive Bidding.

27.       In the meantime, allocations of Coal Mines continued to be made as per the policy of evaluation by the Screening Committee.

28.       In October 2008, a Bill to amend MMDR Act was introduced in the Parliament. The same was referred to the Standing Committee which submitted its Report in February 2009.

29.       In August 2010, amendment to MMDR Act was passed by both Houses of Parliament. Section 11A was added to provide for Competitive Bidding process in the allocation of Coal Mines. (Sec 11A of MMDR Act however does not state as to how the Competitive Bidding process is to be effected).

30.       In February 2012, Auction by Competitive Bidding of Coal Mines Rules, 2012 were notified. (These Rules also do not state as to how the Competitive Bidding process is to be effected).

31.       Between 2006 and 2009, 38 Coal Mines have been allocated for Captive Mining.

32.       As on date of the CAG Coal Report, 142 Coal Mines were under Captive Mining. (The 3 figures of 39, 71 and 38 however add upto 148).

33.       It is pertinent to note that 67 of the Coal Mine Allotees out of the total of 142 ARE GOVERNMENT COMPANIES and 75 are private parties.

34.       As on date of the CAG Coal Report, the total Geological Reserve of coal in India was around 2.85 Lakh Million Tonnes. The total Geological Reserves of the Coal Mines held for Captive Mining was around 37 Thousand Million Tonnes.

35.       Several Captive Mine allotees had not commenced mining and extraction as on date of the CAG Coal Report for various reasons such as delay in environment clearance etc.. Several show cause notices have already been issued to the allotees in this regard.


III. How did the CAG come into the scene?

Following is a verbatim reproduction of the Audit Objectives in the CAG Coal Report :

“Gap between demand and domestic supply of coal is widening in the country and consequently imports are progressively increasing. On the other hand there are instances where capacities in power plants  are either lying idle or facing difficulties in augmentation in capacity for want of coal. In the backdrop of these concerns, Performance Audit on Allocation of Coal Blocks and Augmentation of Coal Production has been undertaken to obtain assurance that :

CIL augmented its production capacities as planned.

Procedures followed for allocation of coal blocks for captive mining ensured objectivity and transparency.

Coal blocks allocated for captive mining augmented production of coal as envisaged.”



Comment 1:

It is debatable whether the Constitutional and Statutory obligations of the CAG require him to undertake such a study. Such a study is certainly not unconstitutional but seems totally unwarranted as there are other institutions monitoring the parameters of Indian economy. Further if the Office of the CAG begins to compare demand and supply in respect of every item in the economy, the work of actual audit of Government accounts might have to be outsourced to some other agency.

Comment 2:

Till 2009-2010, production of Coal in India by CIL which supplies more than 80% of coal in India was more than 90% of the targets set internally and by the Planning Commission. So the situation was quite under control and was certainly no cause for alarm for the CAG.

Comment 3:

Even if the gap between demand and supply was widening, it is not understood as to how that warranted a study into the policies and guidelines followed in “Allocation of Coal Blocks” unless ultimately reaching there was the hidden objective. Bad allocation of Coal Mines does not per se lead to bad Coal Mining.

Comment 4:

Rising imports do not result directly from gap between demand and supply. Coal imports in India are freely allowed under OGL and is a valid sourcing option for the industry. The decision to import is determined by several factors including the quality of imported coal vis-à-vis quality of local coal.

The above four comments are intended to merely serve as food for further thoughts for the readers.


IV. CAG Findings

There is no controversy as regards the findings and analysis of the CAG on the aspect of Coal production in India vis-à-vis its demand. Hence this write up restricts itself to the findings of the CAG on the aspect of Coal allocation (which is the subject matter of outrage in the country).

1.     The CAG did a test check of the documents relating to three mines namely Fatehpur, Rampia & Dip side of Rampia. The CAG could not find any comparative evaluation in the relevant papers. Accordingly, on the basis of these 3 stray cases, the CAG concluded that the Screening Committee (in existence since 1993) “does not follow a transparent method of allocation”.

2.     The CAG was of the view that in the Xth Plan and thereafter, the number of applicants increased as compared to the availability of blocks. Accordingly, there was an urgent need to bring about a process of selection that was “not only objective but also demonstrably transparent”.  The CAG felt that allocation by Competitive Bidding was one such acceptable selection process.

3.     The CAG felt that although the Government decided to bring in transparency and objectivity in the allocation process with June 28, 2004 as the cut off date, the process kept getting delayed. Steps could have been taken to introduce Competitive Bidding in September 2004 itself so that next round of allotment after cut-off date could be taken through Competitive Bidding. (Refer Point II (16) )

4.     The CAG felt that Competitive Bidding process also could have been introduced in July 2006 through administrative instructions as per the opinion of the Department of Legal Affairs. (Refer Point II (25) ) Despite clear advice by Department of Legal Affairs, there was prolonged legal examination of the issue and the Government continued with old policy namely evaluation by the Screening Committee for its allocations between 2006 and 2009.

5.     The CAG felt that delay in implementation of Competitive Bidding process “rendered the existing process beneficial to a large number of private companies”. The CAG did not explain why this is so. However the CAG “attempted to estimate the financial impact of these benefits”.

For this purpose, the CAG firstly estimated the Extractable Reserve of 57 Captive Mines of the 75 private parties to whom Captive Mines were allocated. This was done by applying a certain percentage to their Geological Reserve. This figure possibly represents the quantum of Coal these 57 private parties could extract from their Captive Mines over its life (say about 30 years).

Thereafter the difference between the “average sales price of CIL” and the “average cost of production plus financing cost of CIL” per Tonne was calculated.

The above difference was applied to the Extractable Reserve to arrive at the “financial gain” to the private parties quantified at the now famous figure of “1.86 Lakh Crores”. 

While the CAG did not explain what the figure of 1.86 Lakh Crore actually meant, he stated that “PART OF THIS FINANCIAL GAIN COULD HAVE BEEN TAPPED BY THE GOVERNMENT BY TAKING TIMELY DECISION ON COMPETITIVE BIDDING”.

6.     The CAG observed that several parties to whom Captive Mines had been allocated had not commenced extraction as this contributed to the shortfall in supply.

7.     The CAG finally opined that “there is a need for strict regulatory and monitoring mechanism to ensure that benefit of cheaper coal is passed on to the consumers”.


V. What the CAG Coal Report does not say

1.     It does not get into any discussion whatsoever on the merits and demerits of the existing process vis-à-vis Competitive Bidding. It concludes that the process of evaluation by Screening Committee is bad based on his scrutiny of 3 stray cases (out of atleast 142 cases since 1993) and concludes that Competitive Bidding process is the best because it was announced by the UPA Government itself.

2.     It does not say how a Competitive Bidding process has to be effected.

3.     It does not say how a Competitive Bidding process would give more revenues to the Government given that the rates of royalty and dead rent are fixed by the MMDR Act. 

4.     It does not quantify the additional revenues that could have flown from the Competitive Bidding process.

5.     It quantifies the supposed “financial gains” to the private parties as 1.86 Lakh Crores but does not even whisper that the same is illegitimate or undue benefits.

6.    It does not say that the figure of 1.86 Lakh Crores is a “Loss to the Exchequer”.

7.    It does not say that the allocations made are bad in law or otherwise or that they require cancellation.

8.    It does not even whisper that there were any extraneous considerations for the allocation.


VI. Comments on 1.86 Lakh Crores

The figure of 1.86 Lakh Crores is “sensational” but “senseless”.

As stated earlier, even the CAG doesn’t consider it to be “Loss to the Exchequer”, notional or otherwise. It is the estimated “financial gain” to be made by the private parties over the life of the Captive Mines i.e. next 30 years.

Without even getting into the fallacies of the methodologies adopted by the CAG to compute this figure, the exercise itself was meaningless, futile and gross waste of time.

Allocation to private parties for Captive Mining is perfectly legal and is done to reduce the burden on CIL and for economic development of the country. An allottee would take a Captive Mine only if he perceives it to be more beneficial as compared to purchasing Coal from CIL or importing it. It is pure commerce. It would be naïve to even suggest that such a benefit is illegitimate. Why indulge in a meaningless exercise to estimate that?

The benefit that the allotees of Captive Mines would get can be computed, if at all, by comparing its own cost of production over the next 30 years with the price of CIL Coal for the next 30 years after considering the royalty and dead rent payable over the next 30 years. The CIL cost of production has no relevance. Further the comparison of the CIL cost of production with the CIL sales price is meaningless as Captive Mines CONSUME AND DO NOT SELL.

CAG has computed this senseless figure of 1.86 Lakh Crore to merely say that part of this amount could be tapped by the Government by Competitive Bidding. This is outright meaningless as revenue from Captive Mines solely depends on the royalties and dead rent specified in the MMDR Act. Competitive Bidding by itself would not have even added a Rupee.

VII. General Comments

1.            The procedure followed by Government in allocating the Captive Mines was as per law and policy and there was no illegality whatsoever in the allocation.

2.            Policy is the prerogative of the Executive and that certainly includes scrapping of old policy and introduction of new policy and the timings thereof. Even the Courts cannot interfere in policy matters unless the same is arbitrary on the touchstone of Article 14 of the Constitution. No such case is even whispered here.

3.            It is beyond comprehension as to how a Government can be faulted for delaying the implementation of a policy which it itself wanted to bring. The announcement of the concept of Competitive Bidding by the Government did not place any obligation on the Government, legal or otherwise, to implement the same or implement within a time frame.

4.            It is outright absurd to suggest that the opinion of the Coal Secretary in September 2004 or the Department of Legal Affairs in July 2006 had a binding effect on the Government.

5.            The revenues from the Captive Mines depends on the rates of royalty and dead rent specified in the MMDR Act which are recoverable from the allotees. There has been no “Loss to the Exchequer” by any stretch of imagination.

6.            If the Captive Mines have not commenced productions as per milestone conditions set at the time of allocation, the allocations can be cancelled after following due process of law and after giving them a hearing. There are several factors leading to delay in extraction. Captive Mines are not like ready made water wells from which water can be drawn from Day One. However cancellation of allocation for non-fulfillment of a condition of allocation cannot be equated with bad allocation and it does not make the allocation bad ab-initio.


VIII. Concluding comments on BJP

The BJP has been demanding the resignation of the Prime Minister and cancellation of the allocations of Captive Mines and has not allowed the Parliament to function since August 21, 2012. The legitimacy and the bonafides of their demands and actions can be judged from whatever has been stated above.

Be that as it may, I have two simple questions for BJP. Lets assume that it was not aware of how Captive Coal Mines are allocated since 1993 despite being a national level political party and despite being in Government from 1998 to 2004. However amendment to MMDR Act for bringing Competitive Bidding was introduced in 2008, referred to the Select Committee and passed in 2010. In these two years didn’t it occur to them even once to enquire about the procedures followed till date for Captive Mine allocation? Did it really wake up to reality after the CAG Coal Report or is it merely using the CAG Coal Report to take us for a ROYAL RIDE?  


Anirban Roy
                                                                             September 04, 2012


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